A while back, the House approved a Senate bill requiring abortion providers to have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals. Planned Parenthood hates the bill, as do other lefty abortion advocates.
So, riddle me this, why did Speaker Pat "The Hair" Bauer allow it to even get to the floor, let alone get passed? Did The Hair suddenly have a change of heart? Has he become pro-life?
Was it a bridge too far to kill a bill so widely supported by his caucus? The bill did pass 73 to 20, after all.
Yet such likely wide margins of passage have not stopped The Hair before when lefty and reactionary special interests (ranging from gay marriage advocates to the ISTA to Center Township elected officials) have sought the death of a variety of other common sense, reform-minded, or traditional values measures.
So why did Pat Bauer allow the abortion bill to be passed out of the House?
The answer is now clear: so it could die of a rules technicality in the Senate.
Procedural Hangup Could Sink Abortion Bill
Insurance provision added to bill governing abortion doctors prevents Senate vote
A bill requiring abortion doctors to have hospital admitting privileges could derail not over the abortion issue, but an insurance question.
The House voted unanimously to add to the abortion bill a provision authored by Mishawaka Democrat Craig Fry, guaranteeing coverage for breast and cervical cancer screenings under the state's Healthy Indiana Plan insurance program for the uninsured.
Fry voted against the final bill, but that extra provision makes it impossible to bring the bill to the floor in the Senate, which has stricter rules requiring the parts of a bill to be related.
Changing the bill requires a conference committee, and the House hasn't appointed its negotiators.
Senate Health Chairman Patricia Miller (R-Indianapolis), who authored the bill, says she hopes to persuade House leaders the insurance and abortion provisions need to be separated.
Abortion rights advocates have warned Miller's bill would restrict access to abortions. Planned Parenthood says only one of its abortion doctors has admitting privileges in Indiana.
Miller says the bill is a patient-safety measure. She says some women who have abortions may not mention the fact if they have to seek treatment for complications. That makes it harder for doctors seeing the case for the first time to diagnose the patient correctly.
The bill passed the House 73-20 with the insurance provision attached.
What sort of odds would you place on the House ever appointing those conference committee members?
And what sort of odds would you place on The Hair allowing the two portions of the bill to be separated?
I'd rate both at zero.
Craig Fry--a former union thug, err, enforcer--is a Bauer stooge. His amendment was almost certainly offered only because it would make it impossible for the bill to come to come to the floor in the Senate thanks to Senate rules. He amended the bill not to make it better--for he voted against the final version--but to attach to it a sort of procedural poison pill to ensure that the Senate's rules would cause the bill to languish and die.
For The Hair, it's win-win. His caucus gets to go on the record as being pro-life, and his left pro-abortion allies are pleased that the measure never makes it to the Governor's desk. Craig Fry was the only one who got his hands dirty. And Bauer and his Democratic caucus enablers will blame the Senate and its more arcane rules for its death.
In David Long's Senate, the rules generally mean something. In Pat Bauer's House, they mean nothing. If The Hair wants to kill something, it dies or is kept from the floor no matter what the rules say. His rule is absolute; he governs the House with a fist of iron.
The question now is whether David Long wants to assert similar power over the Senate, if only to ensure that this important legislation does not die because The Hair is exploiting a rules technicality.
Senator Long could easily arbitrarily determine the bill satisfies the Senate's rules, and a majority vote would back his interpretation. He could also press--as the House of Representatives in Washington sometimes does--for the measure to pass under a parliamentary "suspension of the rules" that would require a higher two-thirds vote of support. That would be a higher bar to reach, but it would put conservative Senate Democrats between a rock and a hard place should Vi Simpson whip them and try to deny it the vote or two it would need for that threshold to be reached.
The ball is now in Senator Long's court. Will he allow himself, and pro-life supporters of this legislation in both parties (particularly in his own caucus), to be rolled yet again by Pat Bauer? Or will he stand up and say that enough is enough?